Sorry if I start to sound hostile in any of these responses BTW, I have absolutely nothing personal against you or anyone else!
Please. If hostility were a barrier to me voicing an opinon, I'd have dropped out of UTS long ago
![Wink ;)](https://www.atarnotes.com/forum/Smileys/default/wink.gif)
Besides, none of what you've said is anywhere near hostile.
I say "mere date" because it is a relatively unobtrusive change compared to the complete overhaul required to tackle other Indigenous Australian issues. The fact that people aren't even willing to budge on this small and symbolic change suggest (to me, at least) that the "more important issues" aren't even in our field of vision yet.
But like I said, it's actually
not an unobtrusive change. The resistance to change which you so deride indicate that people
do care about the date and the history it celebrates; they are decidely in favour of maintaining the status quo. Richard Nixon spoke of the
'great silent majority' and I think that such a phrase holds true in Australia, perhaps even more so. Altering the date will do nothing but satisfy a noisy minority which, if it were at least a change of substance, would be more acceptable. But the change you suggest is as practically empty and vacuous as any change could be - maximum division for mimimum reward, little more than a date change.
There is a reason that people won't budge on these so-called 'important issues' and it goes back to the heart of my original argument;
trying to introudce change without having anything to show first.
I don't see how it is inappropriate for a successor to apologise on behalf of past administrations and try to remedy past wrongs, especially when the Stolen Generations was by no means something that happened "once upon a time".
Well that's your view and you're entitled to it. I on the other hand, see it as an attempt to inculpate orindary and decent people into a some sort of great genocide for which they had no part in. Why? To try and engender an intrinsic sort of cultural guilt to grease the wheels for change. Utterly unacceptable.
Japan was still apologising for WWII atrocities in 2015. Howard's avoidance of a formal apology had a lot to do with trying to avoid legal (read, financial) baggage related to those affected by the policy, and as such is directly emblematic of an unwillingness to confront the problem. A speech is sometimes not just a speech.
Perhaps. But I'd argue they aren't exactly a pertinent example since many who'd subscribe to your side of the argument have deemed these 'apologies' insufficient. It's possible to dispute this, but to my knowledge, Japan has never really issued a formal apology accepting responsibility for the conduct of the war. On the contrary, they've done many times exactly what John Howard did;
express their heartfelt regret for what happened but also recognising the need to move forward.[/i] That should be sufficient.
Also, if we as a population "have absolutely no connection with the initial colonisation", then why are we celebrating Australia Day on 26th January?
Forgive me if I wasn't clear. I wasn't trying to imply that the contemporary nation of Australia has no connection with the past. It manifestly does, specifically for the reasons mentioned previously. Rather, I was trying to show how we as a population of individual citizens have no connection with past atrocities.
The sins of the father are not, nor can they ever be, the sins of the son.
Why not celebrate when those values actually manifested in practice? There are many significant dates that shaped Australia as it is now: when the Constitution received royal assent (9th July), Australia Act (4th Dec or 3rd March), opening of Commonwealth Parliament (9th May), so many milestones that actually correlate with the values we are claiming to celebrate.
All formative dates, to be sure. But nothing that could ever compare to the founding of the first colony, the herald of this great country's growth into an economic and cultural power with all the rights, liberties and freedoms that accompany such development.
The Australian nation that we love and celebrate is not simply the British colony founded upon the arrival of the First Fleet - it's gone through and represents so much more than the backwards values of 1788, and I don't believe the date of our current national day does our nation justice.
Have we evolved since then? Of course. But to dismiss the significance of our founding would be a mistake. There are so many principles ingrained in the British system of government that were transplanted to Australia with the First Fleet. The Rule of Law. Due Process. Freedom from government. All laudible values that began with colonisation.
I agree that we should not dwell excessively on the past. But recognition doesn't just mean to acknowledge "Oh, yeah, that happened." We have a duty to go beyond that, to try and correct the injustices, especially when the effects are so widespread and perceivable even today. The least of those actions is to stop celebrating our nation on a date with such divisive connotations.
That's exactly what it means. Keating, like you, tried to tie in recognition with something greater, which would have
cemented, not resolved, irrevocable division. We should correct injustices, of course. But as I've said time and time again, a date change isn't going to do anything but anger and dislocate a wide portion of contemporary Australians who have a strong affinity for the day. This is just a rehash of our argument over symbolism, but I digress.
The same way that you associate the arrival of the British with cherished Australian values such as freedom and constitutionalism, Indigenous Australians (understandably) associate that same event with dispossession, oppression, humiliation and suffering. The date of the First Fleet's arrival simply isn't suitable to celebrate our national day on.
It's regrettable that there are those of my fellow Australians who feel this way. But I can go on like a broken record about this, changing the date is not the answer. Rather, trying to resolve the practical, day-to-day issues that confront Indigenous Australians would be far more effective in addressing their hurt.
I guess this is really a conflict of values here. The way I see it, the conditions of native titles can be construed to be less obtrusive for lease-owners and somewhat acceptable for Indigenous Australians. Yet instead of attempting to mediate, the policy outright extinguished native title claims in areas of commercial interest with no room for protest, effectively saying to Indigenous Australians: "If there's big bucks involved, we don't give a shit about you." If that's not divisive then I don't know what is.
I don't know how I could disagree more. The scope of Native Title in the wake of the Wik Decision was irrevocably large and was such a significant break with past reasoning, it created fundamental uncertainty among pastrolists, business and ordinary citizens. It was a matter of ensuring certainty and the economic and cultural security of this country that the High Court in a bout of judicial activism, decided to so conveniently ignore.
Also, whilst it is important due to the structure of our political system, public support does not in and of itself justify the morality of an issue, especially when it's only a minority's rights being compromised.
This is true. But again, it illustrates my point. You and your side want change, yes? How can you ever hope to succeed when you hold as a matter of course that you are correct and will not try to bring mainstream Australia with you? You could have the most moral argument on Earth, but if you can't get people to support you then you're going to achieve nothing. This is exactly what happened in the United States; they had a damn Civil War over it! Rather than trying to let slavery die a slow death, they tried to impose that change on the South which prolonged African-American suffering for another century. Was it a matter of morality? Sure was! But did it matter? Most certainly not.
I would argue that Australia later turned its vote anyway and seemed to have no qualms with other 'heavy-handed' instruments of international law including UDHR - but it's pretty obvious by now that we disagree fundamentally on the value of symbolism and no amount of debate is going to change that.
That's a difference in government policy across generations. The UDHR was signed in the 40s under Labor when people were more hopeful of cementing an international peace and prosperity (and perhaps unaware of how little such a body would achieve). Today, people hold no such misperceptions.
Yes, the institution had significant problems in its workings, but simply abolishing the ATSIC and neglecting to set up a functional, long-term replacement has ruled out the Indigenous self-determination that is fundamental to resolving the problems.
Quite the opposite. Apart from the ideological principle that government shouldn't interfere with race, a government behemoth to 'manage' them is the last thing Indigenous people need. They need people to stop with the good intentions, stop with the guilt and just stop interfering with their lives and communities. Simply creating a new body free from all the issues I described is not as easy as you imply; separating government and corruption is like walking on water.
But the NTNERA exemplifies hostility to an incredible degree - it's considered to be a condescending and culturally insensitive policy by many if not most Indigenous Australians.
Perhaps. But if the Intervention is a 'culturally condescending' policy, then what hope for change is there besides what I described,
getting the government out of their lives?[/i]You think grants and handouts are any less condescending?
You're also right by the way, it has been ineffective but that's besides the point. It was the type of bold and deceisive action that at least
tried to change things.
Not to mention that NTNERA is also generally considered to be incompatible with international human rights laws and completely ignores the social, cultural and at times property rights of Indigenous Australians, and had to suspend parts of the RDA to maintain its legality.
I think we've established what I think about the UN and government interference.
Perhaps the Howard government had the best of intentions when enacting it - that's what I'd like to think. However, if the "substantive change" comes at the cost of bulldozing human rights, then I'm not sure it's the steps we want, and to be fair the Howard government's initiatives widened the ideological rifts between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australia if anything.
[/spoiler]
Intentions are irrelevant; results are all that matter. However you slice it, good or bad, at least they tried
something.
Yes, I'm aware the High Court didn't touch on the issue of legal settlement - however the mere fact that terra nullius was overturned is enough.
It's actually not though. They're two completely separate things.
International law at the time recognised only the three forms of acquiring territory, as you have listed, and the British acquisition of Australia fits none of the criteria without the justification of a legal fiction.
The High Court didn't make a ruling on this, but I'd say that it's patently untrue. The implications of overturning
terra nullius would seem to suggest conquest rather than effective occupation. Something that was legal and therefore
NOT stolen.
The fact that the High Court upheld Imperial sovereignty is inevitable: not only because of the precedent you cited, but also because de facto control for a long enough period of time becomes indistinguishable with sovereignty, especially when coupled with colonisation and overrunning of the original inhabitants.
Speculation.
Besides, expecting a court of English common law, which has evolved to protect Imperial interests, to deliver an unbiased authority on the issue is... unrealistic, to say the least.
Such a vote of confidence in our legal system! But in all seriousness, there have been many a court that have upheld rulings
against the interests of the ruling class and the established order. Perhaps not in Australia but certainly in the USA,
Brown v Board of Education, for instance.
Native title is a leeway, a compromise between the growing international interest in human rights and the interests of those with de facto control over the land without losing too much face or giving up too much.
If Native Title is nothing but a 'compromise', I shudder to think what a full realisation of your beliefs would mean.
Really, doesn't the fact that state governments are dishing out millions of dollars of compensation for native title claims say something about whether the land was stolen or not?
All that says is that governments are into the blame game, wasting money and being seen to fix things when they're really doing nothing.
I think you're over-simplifying the process. It's one thing to have an item stolen from you, catch the thief, then demand its return. It's another to be dispossessed of your ancestral home, have it demolished/reconstructed/renovated beyond recognition, and only then be able to demand for its return.
Perhaps. But that's certainly the implication of the phrase 'stolen land', it's definitely a clever piece of exaggerated rhetoric.
Since it's no longer what you had stolen from you, damages seems a much more reasonable method of compensation - which is exactly what is happening in many native title claim cases around the country.
In
Mabo, the High Court held that damages were not payable at common law. I certainly hope this trend you describe is overturned by the High Court once more because it's certainly a worrying direction. Besides, do you really think giving these communities
more money is what's going to solve their problems? Successive governments have thrown money at this issue for years with little success.
The process is complicated by the fact that you have to seek justice by going to a court established and run by those very people who dispossessed you - but I digress ![Roll Eyes ::)](https://www.atarnotes.com/forum/Smileys/default/rolleyes.gif)
How else should it be resolved? Cession? War? We have an impartial and unprejudiced system so that anyone can establish a case. That's about as good a description as I can muster.